Friday, August 30, 2013

Moral Monday March



            "This Is the Day!" | Rev. Dr. William J. Barber


               Come As You Are! | July 29th Moral Monday March Promo


               A Mountain Moral Monday! | August 5th, 2013


               NC Legislature Hurting Thousands | Moral Monday 10th Wave | July 8th, 2013


              Where Are the Christians Now? | Rev. Dr. William J. Barber, II


 

Saturday, August 24, 2013

March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom




             March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom 

The 1963 March on Washington was a watershed moment in the American civil rights movement It was attended by 250,000 people, graced by important speeches at the Lincoln Memorial and followed by the passage of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964.
Not only was this the largest demonstration for human rights in United States history, but it also occasioned a rare display of unity among the various civil rights organizations,

              THE MARCH ON WASHINGTON


They came to hear Martin Luther King Jr. speak, to hear Joan Baez and Bob Dylan sing, to support the cause of civil rights and economic opportunity for all, including African-Americans.
Most didn't realize until later they had been a part of history.

             ONE HANDSHAKE AT A TIME: How Whitney Young Changed America


             Bayard Rustin


They had come by bus, plane, train, car and hitch-hiker's thumb to demonstrate to ourselves and a watching world that there was a better, more righteous America than the Birmingham of Bull Connor who had set the dogs and fire hoses on black children. Our emotions – and amazing self-discipline – ran high. White Washington right on up to the White House was scared silly of all us black and white folks mixing together. Apocalypse was confidently predicted. The nation's capitol had "its worst case of invasion jitters since the First Battle of Bull Run", as a contemporary newspaper put it.

              A Philip Randolph: For Jobs and Freedom


             Roy Wilkins: The Right to Dignity


             2013 International Freedom Conductor Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth


On August 28, 2013, it will have been 50 years since Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. led approximately 250,000 people in the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. The monumental event, which was held to protest discrimination, joblessness and economic inequality faced by African Americans, featured King's iconic "I Have A Dream" speech and set the stage for both the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act.

In 1963, marchers arrived by bus, train, car and on foot on a weekday, many dressed in their Sunday best. Although marchers were mostly black, the crowd included whites, Jews, Latinos and Native Americans.

As civil rights activists pause to consider the great strides toward equality that the 1963 March on Washington helped to spur, they also look at the current political and racial landscape, and wonder: How much of that progress is now being undone?


There are other new issues, such as demands for a federal civil rights prosecution of George Zimmerman for fatally shooting unarmed black teen Trayvon Martin, and abiding ones, such as persistent unemployment among black Americans that runs at a significantly higher rate than that for whites.

The observances begin Saturday with a march from the Lincoln Memorial to the King Memorial, led by the Rev. Al Sharpton and King's son, Martin Luther King III. They will be joined by the parents of Trayvon Martin, and family members of Emmett Till, a 14-year-old boy who was kidnapped, beaten and shot in the head in 1955 after he was accused of flirting with a white woman.

Sharpton has refused to call Saturday's march a commemoration or a celebration. He says it is meant to protest "the continuing issues that have stood in the way" of fulfilling King's dream. Martin's and Till's families, he said, symbolize the effects that laws such as the stop-and-frisk tactics by New York police, and Florida's Stand Your Ground statute have in black and Latino communities.

"To just celebrate Dr. King's dream would give the false implication that we believe his dream has been fully achieved and we do not believe that," Sharpton said. "We believe we've made a lot of progress toward his dream, but we do not believe we've arrived there yet."

Obama is scheduled to speak at the "Let Freedom Ring" ceremony on Wednesday, and will be joined by former Presidents Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton. Along with their speeches, there will be a nationwide bell ringing at 3 p.m. EDT to mark the exact time King delivered his "I Have A Dream" speech, with which the march is most associated. The events were organized by The King Center in Atlanta and a coalition of civil rights groups.

             Martin Luther King - I Have a Dream on August 28, 1963 [Sous-titres & Subtitles] [FULL SPEECH]


Friday, August 9, 2013

WHY THERE IS NO LIBERAL MEDIA TODAY



While I share Prince's frustration with the media, as a liberal, I'd like to go on record and state that the media isn't focusing on issues I care about. They seem to be far more focused on entertainment and making money.
Don't believe me?
 photo liberal_media_zps197d95d2.jpg
If you know anyone who still believes in a "liberal media," here's 15 things everyone would know if there really were a "liberal media" (inspired by Jeff Bezos' purchase of The Washington Post):
1. Where the jobs went.
Outsourcing (or offshoring) is a bigger contributor to unemployment in the U.S. than laziness.
Since 2000, U.S. multinationals have cut 2.9 million jobs here while increasing employment overseas by 2.4 million. This is likely just the tip of the iceberg as multinational corporations account for only about 20% of the labor force.
When was the last time you saw a front-page headline about outsourcing?
 photo outsourcing_zps2cf6f1b0.jpg
Source: Wall Street Journal via Think Progress.
2.  Upward wealth redistribution and/or inequality.
In 2010, 20% of the people held approximately 88% of the net worth in the U.S. The top 1% alone held 35% of all net worth.
The bottom 80% of people held only 12% of net worth in 2010. In 1983, the bottom 80% held 18% of net worth.
These statistics are not Democrat or Republican. They are widely available to reporters. Why aren't they discussed in the "liberal" media?
 photo ownership_occupy_poster_zps7879609f.jpg
Source: Occupy Posters
3. ALEC.
If there was a corporate organization that drafted laws and then passed them on to legislators to implement, wouldn't you think the "liberal" media would report on them?
The American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) is such an organization. Need legislation drafted? No need to go through a lobbyist to reach state legislatures anymore. Just contact ALEC. Among other things, ALEC is responsible for:
  • Stand Your Ground laws
  • Voter ID laws
  • Right to Work laws
  • Privatizing schools
  • Health savings account bills which benefit health care companies
  • Tobacco industry legislation
Many legislators don’t even change the proposals handed to them by this group of corporations. They simply take the corporate bills and bring them to the legislative floor.
This is the primary reason for so much similar bad legislation in different states.  
Hello ... "liberal media" ... over here!!!
They're meeting in Chicago this weekend. Maybe the "liberal media" will send some reporters.
4. The number of people in prison.  
Which country in the world has the most people in prison?
You might think it would be China (with 1+ billion people and a restrictive government) or former Soviets still imprisoned in Russia.
Wrong. The United States has the most people in prison by far of any country in the world. With 5% of the world’s population, we have 25% of the world’s prisoners – 2.3 million criminals. China with a population 4 times our size is second with 1.6 million people in prison.
In 1972, 350,000 Americans were in imprisoned. In 2010, this number had grown to 2.3 million. Yet from 1988 – 2008, crime rates have declined by 25%.
Isn't anyone in the liberal media interested in why so many people are in prison when crime has dropped? WTF "liberal media"?
 photo incarcerated_americans_zpsb7c891bd.jpg
5. The number of black people in prison.
In 2009, non-Hispanic blacks, while only 13.6% of the population, accounted for 39.4% of the total prison and jail population.
In 2011, according to FBI statistics, whites accounted for 69.2% of arrests.
Numbers like these suggest a racial bias in our justice system.
To me, this is a much bigger story than any single incident like Travyon Martin. Or, at the very least, why didn't the "liberal media" ever mention this while covering the Martin story?
6. U.S. health care costs are the highest in the world.
The expenditure per person in the U.S. is $8,233. Norway is second with $5,388.
Total amount of GDP spent on health care is also the highest of any country in the world at 17.6 percent. The next closest country is the Netherlands at 12%.
As a liberal, I’d like to ask why the market isn’t bringing down costs. I’d think a "liberal" media might too.
7. Glass-Steagall.
Glass-Steagall separated risky financial investments from government backed deposits for 66 years.
The idea is simple. Banks were prohibited from using your federally insured savings to make risky investments.
Why is this a good idea?
Risky investments should be risky. If banks can use federally insured funds, there is no risk to them. If they win, they win. If they lose, we cover the cost.
Elizabeth Warren does a great job explaining this to the "liberal news" desk at CNBC:


8. Gerrymandering.
When was the last time you saw a front page headline about gerrymandering?
Before the 2010 election, conservatives launched a plan to win control of state legislatures before the census. The idea was to be in power when national congressional districts were redrawn in order to fix them so Republicans would win a majority of districts.
The Redistricting Majority Project was hugely successful. In 2012, Barack Obama was elected President by nearly 3.5 million votes. In Congressional races, Democrats drew nearly 1.4 million more votes than Republicans yet  Republicans won control of the House 234 seats to 201 seats.
How is this possible?
By pumping $30 million into state races to win the legislatures, Republicans redrew state maps in states such as Arizona, Michigan, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Texas, Florida and Ohio to place all of the Democrats into just a few districts.
In this manner, Democrats win heavily in a couple districts and lose the rest.
In North Carolina, the statewide vote was 51 percent Democrat and 49 percent Republican yet 9 Republicans won and only 4 Democrats.
Where is your coverage of this vote stealing, "liberal media"? You're willing to cover voter ID laws, why can't you cover real vote stealing?
 photo 5459fab1-8d5b-44e5-a728-b31ed72bf00d_zps9a434c5a.jpg
Source: Mother Jones.
9. The number of bills blocked by Republicans in Congress.
The filibuster has been used a record number of time since Obama was elected President. From 2008-2012, 375 bills weren’t even allowed to come to a vote in the Senate because Republicans threatened the filibuster.
In 2013, during the first 6 months, Congress has only passed 15 bills that were signed into law. This is 8 fewer than in the first 6 months of 2012 and 19 fewer than 2011.
Also, until the Senate recently threatened to reform the filibuster, the GOP had succeeded in holding up 79 of President Obama’s picks to the U.S. Circuit Court and Courts of Appeal. They’re blocking these appointments regardless of qualification.
Where's the coverage? Where are the reporters asking why nothing is getting done?
* crickets *
10. The Citizens' United Supreme Court decision
In a 2011 Hart poll, only 22% of those polled had actually heard of the Citizens’ Uniteddecision before taking the survey.
If 77% believe that corporations have more control over our political process than people, why isn't the liberal media talking more about the Citizens’ United decision?
11. Nixon’s Southern Strategy.
The Southern Strategy is a strategy for gaining political power by exploiting the greatest number of ethnic prejudices. Kevin Philips, Republican and Nixon campaign strategist, speaking about this strategy in a 1970 interview with the New York Times:
From now on, the Republicans are never going to get more than 10 to 20 percent of the Negro vote and they don't need any more than that...but Republicans would be shortsighted if they weakened enforcement of the Voting Rights Act. The more Negroes who register as Democrats in the South, the sooner the Negrophobe whites will quit the Democrats and become Republicans. That's where the votes are. Without that prodding from the blacks, the whites will backslide into their old comfortable arrangement with the local Democrats.
This strategy has been used since President Johnson and Democrats in Congress passed the Civil Rights Act to build the Republican party.
Examples of this strategy were evident as recently as 2008 and 2012 as Republicans took up their assault on Medicaid, Social Security, labor unions, and Obamacare – programs which, though they benefit more white seniors, retirees, women, and children, have been sold to many Americans as handouts to lazy, undeserving blacks and minorities.
Yet you never hear the "liberal media" (at least since the 1970 NY Times) talking about the use of this strategy. At least not like this:
"P (President) emphasized that you have to face the fact that the whole problem is really the blacks. The key is to devise a system that recognizes this while not appearing to." -H.R. Haldeman's diary, President Richard Nixon’s White House Chief of Staff
12. Tax cuts primarily benefit the wealthy.
A progressive tax program is designed to tax people very little as they are starting out and progressively increase their rates as they do better.
Republican plans seem designed to do exactly the opposite: shift the tax burden off of the wealthy and onto working people.
Take the repeal of the estate tax. In Ohio this was recently repealed by Republicans. The benefit is only realized by people with estates larger than $338,000 (as the first $338k was exempt) and realized most by people with even wealthier estates.
This also explains why Republicans want to shift the system from income taxes to consumption taxes. Consumption taxes are paid most by those at the bottom as basic consumption remains the same regardless of income.
It also explains why capital gain taxes are so low. Income through capital gains is only taxed at 20% (increased from 15% in 2012) instead of at the rate of other income (closer to 35%).
It also explains why Republicans were so willing to let the payroll tax cut expire. The payroll tax cut benefited people who were getting paid, not those issuing the paychecks. How much fight did you see to save this tax cut?
While tax cuts are sold to us as benefiting everyone, they really benefit a select few at the very top.
If everyone knew who tax cuts really benefit, would so many people vote for them?
13. What's happening to the bees?
This seems like an odd one to include, why is this important?
The Agriculture Department says a quarter of the American diet depends on pollination by honeybees.
Dating from 2006, colony collapse disorder is a relatively new problem. More "liberal media" coverage might push the urgency of the issue.
Instead here's a typical media story about bees: Thousands of Bees Attack Texas Couple, Kill Horses.
14. The impact of temporary workers on our economy.
The number of temporary workers has grown by more than 50 percent since the recession ended to nearly 2.7 million.
If freelancers, contract workers, and consultants are included, the number is nearly 17 million workers not directly employed by the companies who hire them. This equals 12 percent of the workforce.
What's the impact of a "just in time" workforce on workers and our economy? How about that for a story "liberal media"?
15. Media consolidation
Six corporations - Time Warner, Disney, News Corporation, Viacom, Comcast, and CBS -control roughly 90% of the media in the U.S.
These companies are in business to make a profit.
This is why you'll find plenty of advertisements in the media. Entertainment? Check. Sports? Definitely. Weather? Yep.
You'll also find plenty of "if it bleeds, it leads" stories designed to hook you in. Vendors, witnesses recall Venice hit-and-run horror. Fort Hood trial turns bizarre as shooter grills witnesses.
There's also plenty of political bickering: Democrats said this, Republicans said that. We let you decide (but we never weigh in with any facts or fact-checking).
What won't you hear? You won't hear the "liberal media" discuss the corporate media.
What to make of this
If the media were "liberal," it would serve the public interest and shine a light on issues like the ones above.
More people would also have a better understanding of global warming, peak oil, population growth, political lobbying, government's role in a functioning economy, how much we spend on the military, and countless other issues.
What you’re more likely to see in the media, however, are stories designed to get you to buy their paper, or watch their show, or listen to their radio station. If it bleeds, it leads. This is why the media is concerned with scandal, celebrities, gossip, and fear.
If anything, our news consists of paid advertisements and outlets too scared of offending anyone to publish much of substance. Investigative journalism is also expensive; entertainment is cheap.
The way this corporate media behaves may not be surprising. I apologize if you feel any of this is beating you over the head.
This Buzzfeed-style list wasn't intended to introduce this idea as new (others have done a much better job), but rather to highlight the sheer absurdity of a "liberal media" for an audience who may not see it.
One way to approach the topic is to simply ask: If we have a "liberal media," where are the liberal stories?

ORIGINALLY POSTED TO AKADJIAN ON WED AUG 07, 2013 AT 05:02 AM PDT.

ALSO REPUBLISHED BY IN SUPPORT OF LABOR AND UNIONS AND DAILY KOS.

TAGS



Tuesday, August 6, 2013

Slavery and the Prison Industrial Complex - Angela Davis

Civil Rights Attorney Julius Chambers Dies



There’s a scene in the classic movie “To Kill a Mockingbird” in which the black Rev. Sykes is sitting in the segregated balcony of the courthouse at the end of the trial. When Atticus Finch is leaving the courtroom, Sykes rises, as do all the black people. He tells Finch’s tomboy daughter, Scout, who is sitting with the minister, to stand. She asks, “Why?”

“Because your father’s passing by,” Sykes replies.

All North Carolina should rise at the “passing” of Julius Chambers.
                                                                                                                      By Barlow Herget
            Julius L. Chambers, 2012 AASCU Distinguished Alumnus Award Recipient


Pioneering civil rights lawyer Julius Chambers – a crusader for equality whose landmark cases led to
integrating Charlotte-Mecklenburg schools – died late Friday after months of declining health.
Chambers, 76, a soft-spoken but tenacious and unflappable attorney, fought against racial and
employment discrimination to the end, said his law partners, James Ferguson and Geraldine Sumter, at
a news conference Saturday.


“Our community and our nation has benefited tremendously from Mr. Chambers’ tireless efforts to
ensure that all people are treated equally,” Ferguson told reporters outside the Charlotte firm that
Chambers founded in 1964.

“He believed that regardless of one’s position, status, race, creed, color, religion or gender, everyone has
an obligation to ensure equality for all.”
Over the years, his enemies set his law office on fire, bombed his Charlotte home and his car. They also
torched his father’s shop in his hometown of Mount Gilead.

Yet Chambers, who later served as chancellor at N.C. Central University in Durham, was never
vindictive. And he never quit.“The animosity toward him and his positions was just heavy and real. You could feel it,” said C.D. Spangler, former UNC president, who was elected to the school board in 1972 after Chambers had sued that board and won. “But he never let that change him personally. … He didn’t hate the people who hated him.”

The 1971 ruling in the Swann vs. the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education case mandated cross-
town busing to end segregation of local schools. It also highlighted the power of federal courts to
intervene when public school systems dawdled on their way to integration.

Chambers took eight cases to the U.S. Supreme Court – including the Swann case – and won every one.
“He was my personal hero,” said U.S. Rep. Mel Watt of Charlotte, who is President Barack Obama’s
nominee to lead the Federal Housing Finance Agency.
After Yale Law School, Watt had offers from firms around the country but returned to Charlotte in 1972
to practice law with Chambers.

“Chambers said, ‘You have an offer right here, and you can make an impact,’ ” Watt said in a 2007
interview. “ ‘Here you can help the people you grew up with. And rather than separating yourself from
them, you can bring them along with you.’ That was a compelling, powerfully persuasive argument.”
Setting a course

Julius LeVonne Chambers was born in Mount Gilead on Oct. 6, 1936. His father, William Chambers –
“Shine” to customers whose Model T Fords he had washed – owned a garage-general store near Mount
Gilead, 60 miles east of Charlotte.
His mother, Matilda, helped out in the store and raised their four children, including Julius and older
brother, Kenneth, a retired Charlotte obstetrician/gynecologist.

In 1949, 13-year-old Julius was looking forward to following his two older siblings to Laurinburg
Institute, a private school for blacks. But one April day, fighting back tears, William Chambers told his
son that the $2,000 he’d saved to send him to school was gone, thanks to a white customer whose 18-
wheeler Chambers had maintained and repaired for months, buying parts out of his own pocket.
That morning, the man had refused to pay the bill and jeered as he drove off with the rig. William
Chambers spent the afternoon going door to door, asking for help from the few white lawyers in town.
They all turned him away.
That was the day Julius Chambers vowed to study law.

Instead of Laurinburg Institute, he attended the all-black public high school in Troy, traveling 12 miles
each way in a cast-off bus from the white school. To supplement the primitive curriculum – students
had to kill and cut up hogs on the principal’s farm – he subscribed to the Book of the Month Club.
“It must have been like pouring water on a sponge,” said George Daly, who practiced briefly in
Chambers’ firm.

Young Chambers did more than keep his promise. He graduated summa cum laude from North
Carolina College in Durham, now N.C. Central, where he was president of the student body. After a
master’s in history from the University of Michigan, he entered the UNC Law School in Chapel Hill,
where, in 1962, he graduated first in his class of 100 and was the first black chosen editor of the North
Carolina Law Review.

At the year-end banquet at the segregated Chapel Hill Country Club, Chambers wasn’t invited.
He didn’t care, said Adam Stein of Chapel Hill, who later was the first white lawyer in Chambers’ firm.
“All sorts of things in society could have created anger and distraction,” Stein said. “But he just plowed
right through.”
After graduation, Chambers, married to Kannapolis native Vivian Giles, was appointed as a teaching
associate at Columbia University School of Law, where he also received a Master of Law in 1963.

Settling in Charlotte

A year later, he and Vivian arrived in Charlotte, where they set up a practice at 405 1/2 East Trade St. in
uptown Charlotte. In his first year, Chambers took on 35 school desegregation cases and 20 suits
charging discrimination in public accommodations. By 1972, the firm had 11 members, including five
whites. Forty percent of its 1,200 cases involved civil rights.

It didn’t take long for him to make headlines – and for his constant prodding for change to draw anger.
By 1965, shortly after Chambers opened his law office, Charlotte-Mecklenburg had partially integrated
some schools. But in January of that year, Chambers sued the school board to force total desegregation.

Days after Chambers filed the Swann suit, his car was bombed during a speaking engagement in New
Bern. As Chambers checked on the car, people in the audience poured into the street, asking, “What
are we going to do?” his partner Geraldine Sumter recalled.
“He said, ‘We’re going to go back inside and finish the meeting. There’s nothing we can do about that
car,’ ” she said. “His demeanor was always calm. He never got upset.”

That June, state Judge Braxton Craven ruled for the school board, concluding there’d been steady
progress toward desegregating schools. The case resurfaced in 1969, when federal Judge James
McMillan ordered CMS to desegregate through busing.Ultimately, Chambers’ lawsuit led to the 1971 Supreme Court ruling that allowed school districts to bus students to achieve racial balance.

Integrating Shrine Bowl

On Nov. 11, 1965, Chambers sued to integrate the annual Shrine Bowl, the yearly high school all-star
football game between players from North Carolina and South Carolina that until recent years was
played in Charlotte.Eight days later, sticks of dynamite blew up at Chambers’ home and the homes of three other prominent Charlotte civil rights leaders.

Chambers and his wife were home in bed when the dynamite blew out a window in the front bedroom.
“I threw up next to the house. I was angry,” he told the Observer recently. “I didn’t know who did it. I
didn’t know why they would do it. I had my ideas. We knew getting with the Shrine Bowl was going to
cause a lot of problems. And it did.”Chambers told the Observer he felt the Shrine Bowl lawsuit was one of his most important civil rights cases.

“We were able to reach a lot of parents, teachers, principals, who played very important roles in black
and white communities,” he said In or out of the courtroom, Chambers’ reserve, his physical compactness, enhanced by neatly cut suits and close-cropped hair, prompted the label “unflappable.”

“A lot of people were surprised to see Chambers in court,” said his partner James Ferguson. “Some
people expected him to be bombastic and always on the attack. Chambers never raised his voice. He
was always very low-key and very calm, and because of this approach, he disarmed the witness.”
John Gresham, a former law partner, said Chambers had a habit of playing with string or a rubber band,
often making a cat’s cradle, while interrogating a witness – lulling the witness into a false sense of
security.

 Another tactic, Gresham said, was to start out asking innocuous questions that appeared to be aimed
at finding out very simple things about the company’s policies.
“You could see the witness relaxing and thinking, ‘This guy doesn’t even know how we operate.’ Then
Chambers would very carefully draw a circle around what he wanted to know, and as soon as he had
the loop closed, he would bore in, and you could see the witness thinking, ‘Oh, my God!’ ”
Though his words were few, Chambers’ lessons endured.
Once Chambers sent Watt to Lumberton in Robeson County to defend protestors charged with
resisting arrest and assaulting an officer.

“I get down there,” Watt said, “and I find that these are Native Americans who’d been carrying
tomahawks and demonstrating because they didn’t want to go to school with black kids.”
Back in Charlotte, a confused Watt asked Chambers: “Why in the world did you send me to Lumberton
to defend people who were against going to school with black kids?”
“Julius never looked up,” Watt recalled. He said, ‘Don’t you believe in the First Amendment? Don’t you
believe in free speech?’ ”

Returning to roots

In 1984, Chambers left Charlotte and his firm to become director of the NAACP Legal Defense and
Education Fund in New York.

Of that loss, former Observer editorial columnist Jack Claiborne wrote: “Losing a Julius Chambers … is
like losing a magnet, a force that helps energize the community.”

Chambers was the third LDF director, following Thurgood Marshall and Jack Greenberg.
He returned to North Carolina in 1993, first to the college where he earned his undergraduate degree
to serve as chancellor.

When Chambers arrived in Durham, the school was recovering from charges of financial
mismanagement. He found unsafe buildings that had not been maintained for years, and only one
endowed chair to attract top professors.

Chambers worked to raise the endowment from $1 million to $25 million by 1999. During his tenure,
the university increased the number of endowed chairs to 14.

He raised academic standards and millions in capital-improvement funds. And under his leadership, 80
percent of the faculty had doctoral degrees and the school built new buildings for education and social
work departments.

In 2001, Chambers returned to Charlotte and the law firm he founded. Again he became embroiled in a
desegregation fight after a group of white parents sued the school system, challenging busing and other
race-based policies.

“We’ve made a lot of progress, but I had hoped we would be much further on by now,” Chambers told
the Observer then. “We must continue to bring people together and break down the barrier of
segregation. In Charlotte, busing is still the only way to do that.”
 They called him ‘Chambers’

On Saturday, his friends and former law partners at Ferguson, Chambers & Sumter said Chambers was
deeply concerned with recent legislation in North Carolina and around the country that had begun to
unravel his life’s work.

They were left with grief and fond memories of an unassuming man they simply called “Chambers.”
“He was too revered to call him Julius,” Ferguson said. “And it sounded too stuffy to call him ‘Mr.
Chambers.’
“So, for most of us, it was just ‘Chambers.’ ”

In 1999, while he was N.C. Central chancellor, Chambers was diagnosed with cancer – but underwent
treatment and it never returned.
Then in April, he suffered a heart attack.

Still, partner Geraldine Sumter said it was “a shock” when Chambers’ daughter, Judy, called Friday
night with news that Chambers had died.

His wife, Vivian, and mother, Matilda, died last year.
At the end, Sumter said Chambers’ body might have been frail, “but, oh my goodness, the mind was
still so sharp.”

She’d visit him and they’d talk about cases. “He’d say, ‘Hey, how’s Fergy (Ferguson) doing with that
case?’ Or ‘How about bringing me the file on this case?’ He never quit.”
The firm never gave him a retirement party.

 “I’m not sure Chambers ever stopped practicing law,” Ferguson said. “We think he didn’t practice law
when he was in the hospital. But if he wasn’t actively practicing, he was concerning himself with people
whose rights were being trampled.

“With Chambers, you didn’t talk retirement – you talked about what’s next.”
Funeral arrangements were incomplete Saturday. Long & Son Mortuary Service is in charge. OBSERVER

STAFF WRITERS DAVID SCOTT AND GARY SCHWAB CONTRIBUTED.

Read more here: http://www.charlotteobserver.com/2013/08/04/4211103/civil-rights-leader-julius-
chambers.html#.Uf5V8rUNEJU.facebook#storylink=cpy

"Mr. Chambers was not the first lawyer of color to try to address the issues of equality," firm partner Geraldine Sumter said Saturday. "He would tell you he had people like Buddy Malone of Durham that he looked to, the Kennedys out of Winston-Salem. The thing that Mr. Chambers brought to that struggle was a very focused, determined attitude that things were going to change."

              Julius Chambers: A Struggle for Equal Justice Through the Courts


Anthony D. Ross was homeless





At age 13, I lost my grandmother to heart disease who was the sole caretaker of me at the time, I never 
knew my dad, and my mother was a drug addict. After my grandmother died, my sisters and I were 
living in my mom's house with no water, heat, or electricity for months due to her drug use. We ran out 
of the house when she tried to murder us one night with a meat cleaver.

My sisters and I were separated when some of them joined their father’s side of the family while I 
ended up homeless sleeping in cars and homeless shelters in Washington, DC. My aunts on my mother’s 
side tried to take care of me but could not. One tried to hit me with a frying pan because she was 
always stressed out and the other was an alcoholic who threw my clothes out of her apartment and my 
birth certificate and social security card in my face. I then began living with strangers who were friends 
with my aunt. They were a family of 14 who lived in a two bedroom section 8 apartment in southeast 
Washington, DC. 

After living with them for 8 months, I was beat up and had to leave the house once I found out that 
they were getting food stamps and welfare benefits using my name. I had no choice but to go back to 
the homeless shelter. 

I always had to watch my back and protect myself in the shelter because different people would sleep 
in throughout the night. I wanted to go to high school so bad but could not because I needed to work 
two jobs to feed and clothe myself. I enrolled into a G.E.D. program at age 16 so that I can have time to 
work at Starbucks during the day and Ruby Tuesdays during the night and still go to school. After I 
earned my G.E.D., I stayed up until three and four in the morning teaching myself algebra, 
trigonometry, logarithms, functions, and geometry on the computer from watching YouTube videos 
and had tutors come out to the shelter to help me prepare for the SAT/ACT’s. In 2008, 

I applied to Saint Augustine’s University. I got accepted and spent 4-6 hours a day in the library studying ahead of the syllabi and earned a 4.0 GPA my freshmen year. Due to me being overlooked in the foster care system, my mentors and friends invited me over to spend the holidays with their families when the 
campus close down for holiday breaks.

I interned for the Mayor of Washington, DC, Adrian Fenty, where he and President Obama performed 
several initiatives together which I was able to see first-hand and was one of 15 homeless students in 
the United States chosen to attend a scholarship banquet on behalf of the National Association for the 
Education of Homeless Children and Youth to help draft a Homeless Youth Act to Congress before 
receiving awards from the United States Interagency Council on Homelessness. I began working for          Dr Cornel West at his Academy of Excellence to help mentor at-risk youth in grades 2nd-6th. 

I was inducted into the Alpha Kappa Mu National Honor Society and Pi Gamma Mu International Honor 
Society and have been on the President’s and Dean's List since freshmen year. Out of all political 
science majors at my University, I won the department award last year. I also interned for Wake 
County’s youngest appointed District Court Judge, Vince Rozier, where I learned the fundamentals of 
the Judicial System and how it operates. I served three years in the Student Government Association 
and was elected Student Body President of the college my junior year.

 I graduated with Great Honors (Magna Cum Laude) and in the top percentile of my graduating class.
Now attending Law School at North Carolina Central University.

Dr. Claude Anderson - The Power of Blackness: Recapturing the Gifts of God

Monday, August 5, 2013

Trayvon: "Too Much!" I William J. Barber, II

Stop-and-Frisk: The High School Senior

Kasiem Walters, a high school senior in Flatbush, Brooklyn, speaks about the countless stop-and-frisk experiences he and his friends have had over the years. From waiting outside a friend’s house on the walk to school, to giving high-fives and being mistaken for selling drugs, Kasiem dreams of a time when he and his community can look around and feel like citizens of New York, not criminals.