Thursday, September 8, 2016

Dakota Access Pipeline


The pipeline is threatening not only to destroy sacred Sioux lands, but poison drinking water supplies.


The Standing Rock Sioux tribes that are protesting to stop the Dakota Access Pipeline have their work cut out for them. Not only are they fighting against oil and fossil fuel companies, but big banks as well.

A new investigation by Food & Water Watch is shedding light on the financial backers of the Dakota Access Pipeline. The pipeline is threatening to not only destroy sacred Sioux lands, but poison drinking water supplies. The protestors managed to halt the project at least until Friday, even after being attacked and peppered sprayed by private contractors.

Almost 40 different financial institutions are involved in financing the construction of the pipeline:

The pipeline, and the protests against it, has long been compared to the Keystone XL pipeline. Both have significant criticism against them, with thousands protesting, being arrested, and enduring physical attacks. Their routes are very similar as well.

The following is a full list of the banks financially involved in the building of the Dakota Access Pipeline:

Bank of Nova Scotia
Citizens Bank
Comerica Bank
US Bank
PNC Bank
Barclays
JP Morgan Chase
Bank of America
Deutsche Bank
Compass Bank
Credit Suisse
DNB Capital/ASA
Sumitomo Mitsui Bank
Royal Bank of Canada
UBS
Goldman Sachs
Morgan Stanley
Community Trust
HSBC Bank
Wells Fargo
BNP Paribas
SunTrust
Royal Bank of Scotland
Bank of Tokyo Mitsubishi UFJ
Mizuho Bank
Citibank
TD Securities
ABN Amro Capital
Credit Agracole
Intesa Sanpaolo
ING Bank
Natixis
BayernLB
BBVA Securities
DNB First Bank
ICBC London
SMBC Nikko Securities
Societe Generale

Friday, August 5, 2016

Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II


"We are being called like our forefathers and foremothers to be the moral defibrillators of our time,"

'We' Is the Most Important Word in the Social Justice Vocabulary. The issue is not what we can't do, but what we CAN do when we stand together !!!

When we are the wealthiest and the poorest country in the world at the same time, that’s a form of policy violence.

 Starving a child is violent. Suppressing a culture is violence. Neglecting school children is violence.


The Misdiagnosis of Terrorism
The real violence threatening America is that of our immoral public policy choices, at home and abroad.

By Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II


Rev. William Barber at Riverside Church in New York City 1-17-16

1.17.16: MLK Service Sermon by Rev. Dr. William Barber II from The Riverside Church NYC on Vimeo.



William J. Barber II was born August 30, 1963, He is a member of the national board of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the chair of their Legislative Political Action Committee. Since 2006 he has been president of the NAACP's North Carolina state chapter, the largest in the Southern United States and the second-largest in the country. He is a Protestant minister and political leader in North Carolina.
Rev. Dr. Barber has served as pastor of Greenleaf Christian Church, Disciples of Christ, in Goldsboro, NC since 1993

Rev.Dr.Barber was awarded the 2006 Juanita Jackson Mitchell, Esq. Award for legal activism, the highest award in the NAACP for legal redress for advocacy, he was the 2008 recipient of the Thalheimer Award for most programmatic NAACP State Conference, and in 2010 he won the National NAACP Kelly M. Alexander Humanitarian Award.

North Carolina Governor Bev Perdue awarded him the Order of the Long Leaf Pine in 2009—a North Carolina citizenship award presented to outstanding North Carolinians who have a proven record of service to the state.

The Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II is co-author of The Third Reconstruction: Moral Mondays, Fusion Politics and the Rise of a New Justice Movement, published in January 2016 by Beacon Press. In January 2016 he also began filing regular dispatches from the southern movement FOR racial justice for The Nation, resuming a role Martin Luther King Jr. once filled for the magazine.

Rev. Barber is the architect of the Forward Together Moral Monday Movement, president of the North Carolina NAACP and pastor of the Greenleaf Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) in Goldsboro. He is also president of Repairers of the Breach. He is the 2015-2016 recipient of the Puffin/Nation Prize FOR Creative Citizenship.

William Barber was elected president of the NAACP's youth council at age 15, president of his high school's student body at 17, and student government president at North Carolina Central University (NCCU) at 19. Barber received his bachelor's degree in political science from NCCU, cum laude; a Master of Divinity degree from Duke University; and a doctorate from Drew University with a concentration in public policy and pastoral care. He is married to Rebecca McLean Barber and they have five children.

A Moral Movement to Hold All Candidates Accountable
Whether it’s Donald Trump or Hillary Clinton, only a moral movement bound by fusion politics can hold the next president accountable to the people.

REV. DR. WILLIAM J. BARBER II AND JONATHAN WILSON-HARTGROVE


    Rev. William Barber FULL REMARKS at Democratic National Convention 2016


Hate Must Not Have the First, Last, or Loudest Word
We cannot allow those who would profit off our pain to cause us to hate.

REV. DR. WILLIAM J. BARBER II


The following is excerpted from a speech delivered by Rev. William Barber at a Martin Luther King Day celebration at Riverside Church in New York City .  As we both reflect on the violence inflicted upon the people of Flint, Michigan, by the state’s leadership .  What values must guide our elected officials? What kinds of violence truly threaten our nation and our communities? Rev. Barber’s moving speech offers a progressive moral compass for our political process. 

For the past few weeks, we have been exposed to a flood of images of death and killing, with commentators of all stripes calling it terrorism, violence, and injustice out in California. The evil of taking a life is vile and vicious, by ISIS or any other thug—by anybody that’s just wanting to destroy life. We must pray for the families.

But as we look at these images, and listen to the diagnoses of the commentators, I hear a call from Dr. King and our ancestors to speak truth in the midst of terror, violence and injustice, to challenge a fundamental misdiagnosis against the opportunistic misdiagnoses of those who try to pimp and prostitute the deaths in California for their own vicious political agenda.

Some, like hosts on a certain sly-as-a-Fox television station, use the death of these innocent people to push their accusations—their racist, fear-mongering agenda against the president, against immigrants, and against Muslims. One of these flaky Fox fellas said the greatest threat to national security ever is a president who is incapable, psychologically and politically, and who is not in the business of protecting America but protecting Muslims.

In the tradition of Dr. King, we do not agree with everything our president or any politician has said. [But] that statement is ridiculous. Muslims are Americans. Muslims are soldiers in our military. What is really going on here is what Cornel West might call the “niggerization” or the “othering” of certain people.

You know what that is. The definition of the N-word is not simply the dishonoring and devaluing of black people and the economic exploitation and political disenfranchisement of black people. “Niggerization” is the wholesale attempt to impede democratization, to turn potential citizens into intimidated, fearful, and helpless subjects. They use the attacks on Muslims the same way racists in the past and present use fear-mongering against blacks.

As my friend Phyllis Bennett and I discussed the other night, America does not have a “Muslim problem” or even a “terrorism problem” as much as we have a race problem…a xenophobia problem. Let’s get the diagnosis right.

Let me push this further. Nothing is gained by pretending there aren’t terrible things to be afraid of. Terrorism is real because millions of people live in terror. But we must be clear about the roots of terror. We cannot misdiagnose the malignancy of terror. It’s not Islam. And it’s certainly not foreign. Terror is one of America’s exports. We cannot hide behind blind, infallible notions of American exceptionalism and pay our chaplains to deny it. Consider the second verse of “America the Beautiful,” a national hymn: America, America, God mend thy every flaw. Confirm thy soul in self-control, thy liberty in law.

Our misdiagnosis of terrorism and violence occurs when it is rooted in the popular, but heretical notion that some people don’t matter as much as others. The greatest terrorist attacks in history have American fingerprints on them. The Middle Passage. The enslavement of millions of black human beings for 250 years. Legalized Jim Crow, lynching, and dozens of terrorist pogroms (which have usually been called race riots), that killed thousands of black people from Wilmington to Tulsa to Springfield, Illinois. The bombing and burning of black churches. The political assassinations of Martin, Malcolm, Medgar, Viola Liuzzo, James Reeb, Harriet Moore, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. And let us not forget how America supported the long night of terror called apartheid, modeled after our southern Jim Crow system. Massive civil disobedience and protests and deaths were necessary to bring this terror to a halt. It was an embarrassment on the world stage.

The New Republic, in 2013, said many of the people today saying they hate terrorism were in support of apartheid and against Nelson Mandela. Ronald Reagan not only removed any sanctions against South Africa’s apartheid, he embraced the apartheid regime and put Mandela on the US terrorist list. Reagan vetoed the Anti-Apartheid Act, calling it morally repugnant. The so-called Moral Majority leader, Jerry Falwell, called Bishop Tutu a phony who didn’t speak for South African blacks. North Carolina’s Sen. Jesse Helms filibustered the sanction South Africa bill, as did Strom Thurmond, Phil Gramm, and many future Tea Party leaders. They speak now with unclean hands.

Let us be clear that many people we now denounce as terrorists were once paid agents of the US government. We helped them win power. (Remember the two leaders we silenced forever—Saddam Hussein and Osama Bin Laden—after 9/11.) That doesn’t make their actions right. But Micah and Martin would say America can’t speak with clean hands.

Let us be clear about terrorism, violence, and injustice. Yes, San Bernardino was terrorism. But so was the Greensboro Massacre in the 1979. So was Mother Emanuel AME. So are drone attacks on civilian homes in Afghanistan. So is carpet bombing of cities.

We must not forget the key leaders of Daesh met and developed their agenda in US-run prisons at Camp Bucca in Iraq. This hell hole would not have existed if America had not invaded Iraq in the first place, on false pretenses. Let us be clear. We must be clear, when some of us only protest when Palestinian groups target children and civilians—as we all should—but then they say nothing when Israel does the same, while refusing to negotiate Palestinian statehood. America cannot claim the moral high ground.

Let us not forget the domestic terrorism of Timothy McVeigh and other white militia men, who are usually arrested live, and treated as criminals. What would the stand-off out West that is presently being handled patiently and prudently have been if the persons who threatened to kill FBI agents were black or Latino? What about the shooting of Muslim students in Chapel Hill?

No one called the deranged killer a terrorist. Or the attacks on non-Christian places of worship? What about rogue, racist police shootings of unarmed black adults and teenagers and youth and males and females in Chicago and Charlotte and New York? What about Tamir Rice and Jonathan Ferrell in Charlotte? This is terrorism, violence, and injustice!

But let us go further. Firearms kill 30,000 people in the United States every year. Guns will kill more Americans under 25 than cars in 2015. We have had, as of San Bernardino, 1,052 mass shootings in 1,066 days and all but two were Americans-on-Americans. President Obama reports that the pattern of domestic and American mass shootings in this country has no parallel anywhere else in the world. We must challenge black-on-black killing, white-on-white killing, human being-on-human being killing.

We live in a time when we must use our influence to challenge the misguided misdiagnosis of terrorism, violence, and injustice. If violence—as we say down South, let me work with this for a minute—if violence means to hurt and abuse needlessly, we must redefine how we talk about it. Our matriarch—Coretta Scott King–can help us here. She once said, when she was asked about violence because her husband had been killed, she said: Wait a minute. Poverty can produce a most deadly kind of violence. She said in this society, violence against poor people is routine. She said I remind you that starving a child is violent. Suppressing a culture is violence. Neglecting school children is violence; refusing them public education is violence. Discrimination against a working person is violence. Ghetto housing is violence. Ignoring medical needs and healthcare is violent. Contempt for equality is violence. And even a lack of willpower to help humanity is a sick and sinister form of violence.

Otto Scharmer at MIT talks about “attention violence” in the way that we make invisible the hurt and the pains of the poor. Even in our political discourse, we act like it’s hard to just say “poor.” We talk about “middle class” and those attempting to work their way into middle class. No, some folks are just “po’.” And they’re poor and “po’” because of economic injustices that go on in this country. Truth is, like Micah, Martin, and Coretta, we must refuse to go along with the popular misdiagnosis. Tell your neighbor, “Refuse the misdiagnosis.”

Truth is, public policy can be violent. When we are the wealthiest and the poorest country in the world at the same time, that’s a form of policy violence. When we bail out companies where CEOs make 350 times as much as their workers, and then we charge college students interest on loans, and we fight to break the back of unions—that’s a form of policy violence. When Warren Buffett, a member of the super-rich, tells us that four hundred of the wealthiest Americans took home an hourly wage of $97,000 an hour, while we refuse to pass laws requiring living wages all over this country, and now we are arresting people … simply because they want a living wage. That’s a form of policy violence. Especially when $15 is $5 lower than the minimum wage would have been if it had risen with inflation since 1968.

When a study right here at the Columbia School of Public Health tells us that more people die every year from poverty—250,000—than from heart attack, stroke, and lung cancer, that’s a form of policy violence. And when we know that rising income inequality breeds more inequality, and in turn it translates into a waste of human talent, that’s policy violence—when 1 percent of the US wealth-holders hold 39 percent of the country’s wealth, and 10 percent hold 74 percent, which means the other 90 percent of us have to fight over 26 percent.

Marian Wright Edelman tells us it’s a national moral disgrace that there are 14.7 million poor children in this country today, 6.5 million extremely poor, 150 years after the end of slavery, or the signing of the 13th Amendment. And that this number exceeds the combined population of twelve US states. And we know that just 2 percent of the federal government budget being put towards programs that work, could eradicate 60 percent of this, and we don’t do it? Even for our children? This is political, social, and policy violence.

And then we add the notion of “dollarocracy.” Ten billion dollars is going to be spent on [this] year’s election, and Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. has to say that the Citizens United ruling ushered in a hostile takeover of our government. When healthcare is being denied to eight million through just Medicaid expansion. And most of us in here, we were alright with the Affordable Care Act, but we really wanted universal healthcare, for everybody. That’s what South Africa has. That’s what Canada has. That’s what every other major country has. But at least do Medicaid expansion. Well, 24 states, mostly in the South and in the Midwest, 30,000 people are dying every year since 2013 just because some people can’t stand a black man in a White house.mostly in the South and in the Midwest, 30,000 people are dying every year since 2013 just because some people can’t stand a black man in a White house.

Now I don’t say that lightly, I don’t say that just [as] hyperbole, because I’m a pretty rational guy, you know…. But it can’t be partisan, because healthcare for all was first proposed by a Republican named Teddy Roosevelt. It can’t be financial, because it would generate thousands of jobs. And it can’t be because people are lazy, because Medicaid goes to the working poor and even veterans. So the only thing left is that you would rather keep people sick, because you don’t want a black man in a White house to be successful….

 Even in our political discourse, we act like it's hard to just say "poor."

Lead in the water in Flint. You know that never would have happened in the suburbs, huh? Corporations dumping coal ash in North Carolina. Public policy violence.

We know that public education is the key to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Dwight Eisenhower, Republican, once said it was a matter of national security how we fund public education. And he was criticized, by the way, by Freddie Koch, daddy of David and Charles Koch, so you see where they get that from. And yet, 60 years after Brown vs. Board, we have high-poverty, re-segregated public schools on the rise while policies are funding privatized schools with public money; and teachers are being attacked relentlessly; and a Supreme Court justice says on the bench, when looking at a case on affirmative action that maybe it would be better for black students to go to a slower-track school where they do well, than to go to a highly selective college like the University of Texas. That’s Scalia’s point, and that’s violent, that’s a form of political violence. So if we’re going to talk about violence and injustice, we must talk about policy violence, just like Micah, just like Martin, just like Coretta.

Refusing to fix immigration in a land of immigrants is a form of political violence. Deporting rather than doing the right thing by people who have helped build this country. You want to put them out, but you don’t arrest the people that hire them in the first place. That’s a form of violence. Reminds me of an old song, the way some people want to treat immigrants, all of these folks who are immigrants themselves, came from here and there, the same rules they’re proposing now their own grandmamma wouldn’t have gotten in the country if they had. [It] sounds like the [lyrics in a Bill Withers] song, “use me, till you use me up.”…

And then what about the policy violence against voting rights? Supreme Court justices—just five of them, unlike the Brown decision that was nine-zip—five Supreme Court justices gut Section 4, nullify Section 5 and we are sitting here today and the AG, the attorney general, of these United States Loretta Lynch has less power to enforce voting rights than the AG had on August 7, 1965. And then Boehner first, and then Ryan and McConnell have been engaged in a two-year filibuster [of a bill that would restore protections]—longer that Strom Thurmond filibustered the 1964 Civil Rights Act—and because of that you see attacks on voting rights all over the country after the blood and sacrifices to secure them.

And not only do you see attacks trying to stop us from expanding voting rights, you have a dangerous thing going on called “retrogression,” where the things that were already won—same day registration, early voting, straight ticket vote—are being taken backwards. And we can’t challenge them on the front end because there’s no Section 5. And just the other week, the Supreme Court took up another case considering changing the one person, one vote principle. That’s a form of violence….

The truth is, we’ve got an extreme agenda, my brothers and sisters, afoot in America that ought to worry us. It ought to worry us until we get into action, because this agenda says that the road to a great America is: cut money to public education, deny healthcare, deny unemployment, deny environmental justice, deny earned income tax credit, deny equal rights to immigrants, gay citizens, challenge the president on everything, refuse to even support what is good for America, deny and abridge voting rights, distort the religious beliefs of other religions, use the so-called platform of “true” Christianity to denounce other religions, and then—after you’ve done all of that to divide people and even after Charleston and San Bernardino and other mass murders—make sure that everybody can get a gun easier than they can vote. And that’s their agenda.

And if they are cynical enough to be together, we ought to be smart enough to come together. We ought to say, there are some things that transcend political majority, and mere majority politics and the narrow categories of liberal versus conservative, and Democrat versus Republican. There are some things that we must challenge because they are wrong, they are extreme, they are immoral and they tear at the soul of our nation and our children’s future.

So if we’re going to be a great nation, we can’t afford to let this misdiagnosis go unchallenged. So just as Micah was told by God to say to Judah, and Dr. King was told by God to say to America, it’s time to call a meeting. A revival meeting of the soul, and of the mind, and of the heart. We need a meeting today. And in this meeting we must dare, like the prophets to connect love and justice, in pulpits and in the public square. In this meeting we must challenge moral hypocrisy, because the only antidote to these lies is a truth-telling meeting, a revival, a revolution of moral values that names violence in all of its forms, and then offers a vision for nonviolent transformation. In this meeting, we must demand the right agenda. We must say: America, healing is available. Curing is available. You can be well, but you’ve got to do some things.

Number one, you got to secure pro-labor, anti-poverty policies that ensure economic sustainability by fighting for full employment, living wages, the alleviation of despair and unemployment, a green economy, labor rights, affordable housing, targeted empowerment zones, strong safety net services for the poor, fair policies for immigrants, critiquing war policies that further disable our ability to have a real war on poverty, infrastructure development and fair reform.

Healing is available America, if you focus on educational equality by ensuring that every child receive a high-quality, well-funded, constitutionally diverse public education, and access to community college and university.

Healing is available if you guarantee healthcare for all. First, by assuring access to the Affordable Care Act, Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security, but then get universal healthcare and hurry-up and do it America. And if you provide environmental protection—because they may have found water on Mars but we’re still here right now. And then you’ve got to make sure that women’s health is ultimately protected.

There’s healing, healing, but in order for there to be healing, you’ve got to have fairness in the criminal justice system, by addressing the continuing inequalities and the brutalities of the system that impact black, brown and poor white people. And then if you want healing, you’ve got to protect and expand voting rights, and women’s rights, and LGBTQ rights, and immigrant rights, and you can never give up on the fundamental principle of equal protection under the law for everybody. It’s time to have a meeting!

It’s time to have a meeting. And in this meeting, hallelujah, we must fully participate in our democracy. Tell everybody, tell people of conscience: If Harriet Tubman got 500 people out of slavery, and all she had was moss on the north side of a tree and a good conscience and a pistol, she didn’t have email, she didn’t have Twitter, she didn’t have Facebook, if she could do that then, surely we can have a meeting at the ballot box!

Let’s have a meeting. I don’t care how they try to keep us from the polls. Somebody asked this morning on the Melissa Harris Perry show: Is it protest or participation? I said it’s both. You protest and you participate. You don’t give up on the vote, you don’t give away the vote. Too many people died, too many people bled, too many sacrificed. Do you know that 30 percent of unregistered black voters being registered in the South—10 percent in North Carolina, 10 percent in Georgia—connected with progressive whites that will vote and not stay at home, and Latinos, can break open the “solid South.” And if you break open the solid South you break open the nation.

We better have a meeting. I don’t care if you like Bernie or Hillary, or whoever you like, but you’d better know that black lives is on the ballot, healthcare is on the ballot, Fight for $15 is on the ballot. God says have a meeting. God says: Come together and focus again on my purposes. And when you do, Micah said, God says: Look, you just have a meeting, and I’ll be in the midst of it. I’ll guide you. The prophets had a meeting. During the First Reconstruction following the violent Civil War, blacks and whites had a meeting. They came together. They came together to democratize southern legislatures. They changed the plantation economy. They expanded education, voting rights, economic power, and civil rights. Poor White farmers recognized the common cause with freed slaves. They had a meeting. They were called “fusion” coalitions.

In the 20th Century, we had a Second Reconstruction. It was a meeting. Black and white, and Christian and Jew, labor and civil rights, they joined together following the nonviolent struggles of Montgomery, the Supreme Court decision in ’54, the lunch counter sit-ins, the Freedom Rides, they had a meeting. We had a Second Reconstruction. We saw legal victories, we saw the Civil Rights Act, the Voting Rights Act, Fair Housing. We saw economic expansion and Medicaid expansion.

We need a meeting. Those meetings were stopped, but we had a meeting and the meeting brought reconstruction. And we need a Third Reconstruction. We need a third awakening. We need a third national revival. We need a meeting. Oh Lord, we need a meeting.

And, as I conclude, the forces of regression are scared of us having a meeting because they know how powerful we are when we get together. And they know that God will be in the midst. And that’s why they’re fighting it so hard. That’s why they want the environmentalists to fight over here. And Black Lives Matter to fight over here. And Fight for $15 to fight over here. And the LGBTQ community to fight over here. And civil rights to fight over there. But they’re not fighting us this unified. It’s time for a meeting….

Several years ago, I talk about it some in the book, they said I might never walk again. They said I might never get out of a wheelchair again. I was 30 years old. I had always depended on my legs. I woke up one morning and couldn’t move. I had a major, major chronic arthritic condition. I spent almost three months in and out of a hospital bed, not knowing if I would ever get up again to walk on my own will and accord. For 12 years, I was in a wheelchair, for 12 years I was on a walker, for 12 years every time I stood to preach I, it felt like somebody had a butcher knife poking it inside my left hip.

But over those years, there was a meeting. Somehow my mind got together. There was a meeting. Then my doctors, they got together. And then my swim coach got together and my therapist got together, my nutritionist got together, then my church got together. The prayer warriors got together, my family got together, then the Holy Ghost got in the middle of it. I can jump now! I can march now.

I’m telling you, when God is in the meeting—“If my people, who are called by my name, would humble themselves, seek my face, turn from their wicked ways, then I’ll hear from heaven!”—when God is in the meeting, one can chase a thousand and two can put ten thousand to flight. When God is in the meeting, if we all get together, God will guide, God will move. I want you to know that when hands that once picked cotton [join] with Latino hands and have a meeting with progressive white hands, and have a meeting with labor hands, and have a meeting with Asian hands, and have a meeting with Native American hands, and have a meeting with poor hands, and wealthy hands, and gay hands, and straight hands—when we have a meeting and come together, our togetherness becomes the instrument of redemption.

When we come together, we can make the right diagnosis. When we come together, we can declare this land is your land, and this land is my land. When we come together, we can ensure that all of God’s children are respected and treated with dignity. When we come together, we can make sure that America lives out its promise: one nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. When we get together. When we all get together. When we all get together. When we all get together. What a day! What a day! What a day! What a day! What a day of rejoicing it will be! What a day!

Are there any Latinos in here? I need one to come to the pulpit. Are any of my LGBTQ sisters and brothers here? I need you to come to the pulpit. Is there anybody wealthy with a conscience. I need you to come to the pulpit. Is there somebody poor, come to the pulpit. Is there somebody that needs healthcare, come to the pulpit. Is there a preacher here? Come to the pulpit. Is there anybody Jewish here? Come to the pulpit. Come to the pulpit. Any Muslims here? Come to the pulpit. Any Black Lives Matter people here? Come to the pulpit. Any Labor people? Come to the pulpit. Come on! Any environmentalists, come to the pulpit. Are there any teachers here, come to the pulpit. Come to the pulpit, come to the pulpit. Any Asians? Come to the pulpit. Any Native Americans? Join me at the pulpit. Come to the pulpit.

When we all, when we all, when we all, when we all—America, America—when we all, we’re coming! We’re coming! We’re coming! And when we all get together, what a day!


It’s Not About Trump. Our Political Culture Is Corrupt
The Southern strategy created an us-against-them politics with a perverse idea of morality.
REV. DR. WILLIAM J. BARBER II


   A Moral Movement for the Nation | Rev. Dr. William J. Barber, II
   NC Forward Together Moral Movement Channel



April 13th, 2014 - Preaching on Palm Sunday from the historic Riverside Church in New York City, Rev. Dr. William J. Barber, II, architect of the North Carolina Moral Monday Movement, delivers a powerful message to the nation.

    God Wants a Meeting! | Rev. Dr. William J. Barber, II


    Moral Lens of Justice — Rev. Barber's most compelling 7 minutes to date


  "I am a conservative Christian" Rev. Barber speaks to church in Appalachia


Rev Barber was invited to speak at Trinity Episcopal Church in Spruce Pine, NC in Mitchell Country. He took time to explain what Moral Monday movement: It is not about Republican vs Democratic, white vs black. It is about being right vs wrong.

Since then, the Moral Monday movement has taken root in Mitchell County and in neighboring Yancy county. Could this be a game-changing moment for the movement?


Thursday, July 21, 2016

Dr. Shirley Jackson




Dr. Shirley Jackson was the first black female to receive a doctorate from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), and is the first black female president of a major technological institute (Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute).  However, she also has a staggering list of inventions to her credit.  Her experiments with theoretical physics are responsible for many telecommunications developments including the touch tone telephone, the portable fax, caller ID, call waiting, and the fiber optic cables that make overseas phone calls crystal clear.

From Wikipedia:
Shirley Ann Jackson (born August 5, 1946) is a theoretical physicist and famous black inventor, has been credited with making many advances in science , and the eighteenth president of Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute. She received her Ph.D. in nuclear physics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1973, becoming the first African-American woman to earn a doctorate at MIT.

Jackson was born in Washington D.C. Her parents, Beatrice and George Jackson, strongly valued education and encouraged her in school. Her father spurred on her interest in science by helping her with projects for her science classes. At Roosevelt High School, Jackson attended accelerated programs in both math and science, and graduated in 1964 as valedictorian.

Jackson began classes at MIT in 1964, one of fewer than twenty African American students and the only one studying theoretical physics. While a student she did volunteer work at Boston City Hospital and tutored students at the Roxbury YMCA. She earned her bachelor's degree in 1968, writing her thesis on solid-state physics.

Jackson elected to stay at MIT for her doctoral work, in part to encourage more African American students to attend the institution. She worked on elementary particle theory for her Ph.D., which she completed in 1973, the first African-American woman to earn a doctorate degree from MIT. Her research was directed by James Young. Jackson was also the second African American woman in the United States to earn a doctorate in physics.

Shirley Jackson is married to Morris A. Washington, a physics professor at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, and has one son, Alan, a Dartmouth College alumnus.



As a postdoctoral researcher of subatomic particles during the 1970s, Jackson studied and conducted research at a number of prestigious physics laboratories in both the United States and Europe. Her first position was as research associate at the Fermi National Accelerator Laboratory in Batavia, Illinois (known as Fermilab) where she studied hadrons. In 1974 she became visiting scientist at the European Organization for Nuclear Research (CERN) in Switzerland. There she explored theories of strongly interacting elementary particles. In 1976 and 1977, she both lectured in physics at the Stanford Linear Accelerator Center and became a visiting scientist at the Aspen Center for Physics.

At one time her research focused on Landau–Ginsburg theories of charge density waves in layered compounds, and has studied two-dimensional Yang-Mills gauge theories and neutrino reactions.
Jackson has described her interests:


      I am interested in the electronic, optical, magnetic, and transport properties  of  novel semiconductor systems. 
     Of special interest are the behavior of magnetic polarons in semi magnetic             and  dilute magnetic semiconductors, and the optical response properties of        semiconductor quantum-wells and superlattices. 
     My interests also include quantum dots, mesoscopic systems, and the role of         antiferromagnetic fluctuations in correlated 2D electron systems.

Jackson joined the Theoretical Physics Research Department at AT&T Bell Laboratories in 1976, examining the fundamental properties of various materials. She began her time at Bell Labs by studying materials to be used in the semiconductor industry. In 1978, Jackson became part of the Scattering and Low Energy Physics Research Department, and in 1988 she moved to the Solid State and Quantum Physics Research Department. At Bell Labs, Jackson researched the optical and electronic properties of two-dimensional and quasi-two dimensional systems. In her research, Jackson has made contributions to the knowledge of charged density waves in layered compounds,polaronic aspects of electrons in the surface of liquid helium films, and optical and electronic properties of semiconductor strained-layer superlattices. On these topics and others she has prepared or collaborated on over 100 scientific articles.


Jackson served on the faculty at Rutgers University in Piscataway and New Brunswick, New Jersey from 1991 to 1995, in addition to continuing to consult with Bell Labs on semiconductor theory. Her research during this time focused on the electronic and optical properties of two-dimensional systems.

In 1995, President Bill Clinton appointed Jackson to serve as Chairman of the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC), becoming the first woman and first African American to hold that position. At the NRC, she had "ultimate authority for all NRC functions pertaining to an emergency involving an NRC licensee."

On July 1, 1999, Jackson became the 18th president of Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute. She was the first woman and first African American to hold this position. Since her appointment to president of RPI, Jackson has helped raise over $1 billion in donations for philanthropic causes. Jackson is leading a strategic initiative called The Rensselaer Plan and much progress has been made towards achieving the Plan's goals. She has overseen a large capital improvement campaign, including the construction of an Experimental Media and Performing Arts Center and the East Campus Athletic Village. She enjoys the ongoing support of the RPI Board of Trustees. On April 26, 2006, the faculty of RPI (including a number of retirees) voted 155 to 149 against a vote of no-confidence in Jackson. In the Fall of 2007, the Rensselaer Board of Trustees suspended the faculty senate, thus prompting a strong reaction from the Rensselaer community that resulted in various protests including a "teach in".

Jackson has received many fellowships, including the Martin Marietta Aircraft Company Scholarship and Fellowship, the Prince Hall Masons Scholarship, the National Science Foundation Traineeship, and a Ford Foundation Advanced Study Fellowship. She has been elected to numerous special societies, including the American Physical Society and American Philosophical Society. In 2014, she was named recipient of the National Medal of Science .

Her achievements in science and education have been recognized with multiple awards, including the CIBA-GEIGY Exceptional Black Scientist Award. In the early 1990s, Governor James Florio awarded her the Thomas Alva Edison Science Award for her contributions to physics and for the promotion of science. In 2001 she received the Richtmyer Memorial Award given annually by the American Association of Physics Teachers. She has also received many honorary doctorate degrees.

She was inducted into National Women's Hall of Fame in 1998 for "her significant contributions as a distinguished scientist and advocate for education, science, and public policy".

Jackson has also been active in professional associations and in serving society through public scientific commissions. In 1985, Governor Thomas Kean appointed her to the New Jersey Commission on Science and Technology. She is an active voice in numerous committees of the National Academy of Sciences, the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS), and the National Science Foundation. Her continuing aim has been to preserve and strengthen the U.S. national capacity for innovation by increasing support for basic research in science and engineering. This is done in part by attracting talent from abroad and by expanding the domestic talent pool by attracting women and members of under-represented groups into careers in science. In 2004, she became president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science and chaired the AAAS board in 2005.

In spring 2007, she was awarded the Vannevar Bush Award for "a lifetime of achievements in scientific research, education and senior statesman-like contributions to public policy".

Jackson continues to be involved in politics and public policy. In 2008 she became the University Vice Chairman of the U.S. Council on Competitiveness, a non-for profit group based in Washington, D.C.. In 2009, President Barack Obama appointed Jackson to serve on the President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology, a 20-member advisory group dedicated to public policy. She was appointed an International Fellow of the Royal Academy of Engineering  in 2012.



MIT Corporation life member
Member, Executive Committee of the MIT Corporation 1989–1991, 1992–1995
President, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute

Shirley Jackson received her SB and PhD degrees in physics from MIT. Time Magazine described her as “perhaps the ultimate role model for women in science”, thanks to her senior leadership positions in government, education, and industry. Dr. Jackson was named the chair of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, a position she held until becoming the 18th president of Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, the oldest technological institute in the United States.



Wednesday, July 20, 2016

Saturday, July 16, 2016

Fairness AND Growth: the Progressive Economic Alternative

Prince - What If God Was One Of Us







Ever heard Prince do religious music?  My pastor had informed us years ago that it existed, but I never found it before.  This is amazing that Prince was inspired to stretch out and use his talent in this manner.  Kudos to Prince for expanding his creativity to the maximum degree.  Whaddaya think, Friends?  I'm told there are many more.

Monday, July 11, 2016

"America, Now is the Time to Weep" | Rev. Dr. William J. Barber, II


       July 8th, 2016 - Young people from the North Carolina Prince Hall Mason Youth Assembly join Rev. Dr. William J. Barber, II to respond to the deaths of Alton Sterling and Philando Castile, two African American men who were shot dead by police in less than twenty-four hours of each other; and also the deaths of five Dallas Police Officers that followed.

Wednesday, June 22, 2016

Rosewood massacre



From Wikipedia,
Rosewood is a former populated place in Levy County, Florida, United States. The site is located just off State Road 24, approximately 1 mile (1.6 km) northeast of Sumner and 9 miles (14 km) northeast of Cedar Key. The town was destroyed by whites and subsequently abandoned in 1923

Rosewood was settled in 1845, nine miles (14 km) east of Cedar Key, near the Gulf of Mexico. Local industry centered on timber. The name Rosewood refers to the reddish color of cut cedar wood. Two pencil mills were nearby in Cedar Key; several turpentine mills and a sawmill three miles (4.8 km) away in Sumner helped support local residents, as did farming of citrus and cotton. The hamlet grew enough to warrant the construction of a post office and train depot on the Florida Railroad in 1870, but it was never incorporated as a town.

The initial settlers of Rosewood were both black and white. When most of the cedar trees in the area had been cut by 1890, the pencil mills closed, and many white residents moved to Sumner. By 1900, the population in Rosewood had become predominantly black. The village of Sumner was predominantly white, and relations between the two communities were relatively amicable.

The population of Rosewood peaked in 1915 at 355 people. Two black families in Rosewood named Goins and Carrier were the most influential. The Goins family brought the turpentine industry to the area, and in the years preceding the attacks, were the second largest landowners in Levy County. To avoid lawsuits from white competitors, the Goins brothers moved to Gainesville, and the population of Rosewood decreased slightly. The Carriers were also a large family, responsible for logging in the region. By the 1920s, almost everyone in the close-knit community was distantly related to each other. Although residents of Rosewood probably did not vote because voter registration requirements in Florida had effectively disfranchised blacks since the turn of the century, both Sumner and Rosewood were part of a single voting precinct counted by the U.S. Census. In 1920, the combined population of both towns was 344 blacks and 294 whites.

As was common in the late 19th century South, Florida had imposed legal racial segregation under Jim Crow laws, requiring separate black and white public facilities and transportation.  Blacks and whites created their own community centers: in 1920, the residents of Rosewood were mostly self-sufficient. They had three churches, a school, a large Masonic Hall, a turpentine mill, a sugarcane mill, a baseball team named the Rosewood Stars, and two general stores, one of which was white-owned. The village had about a dozen two-story wooden plank homes, other small two-room houses, and several small unoccupied plank farm and storage structures. Some families owned pianos, organs, and other symbols of middle-class prosperity. Survivors of Rosewood remember it as a happy place. In 1995 survivor Robie Mortin recalled at age 79, "Rosewood was a town where everyone's house was painted. There were roses everywhere you walked. Lovely." 

           Rosewood Massacre (1923)
 

Rosewood massacre more details:

It’s said that most racial disputes are ultimately about money — who’s perceived as taking jobs, who’s perceived as causing crime. In Rosewood, black residents owned their own businesses and their own land, and one of the first things the whites did that week was to loot their property and steal their land. Survivors were too terrorized to ever return.

In January 1923, white men from nearby towns lynched a Rosewood resident allegedly in response to a lie that a white woman in nearby Sumner had been beaten and possibly raped by a black drifter. The woman was actually beaten up by her lover while her husband was at work. When black citizens defended themselves against further attack, several hundred whites organized to comb the countryside hunting for black people and burned almost every structure in Rosewood. Survivors hid for several days in nearby swamps and were evacuated by train and car to larger towns. Although state and local authorities were aware of the violence, they made no arrests for the activities in Rosewood. The town was abandoned by black residents during the attacks. None ever returned. In the spring of 1994, the Florida state legislature voted to give $2 million in compensation for the surviving families. In December 2010, a state scholarship was established for descendants of families that survived the massacre.

Prior this event a series of incidents had stirred racial tensions within Rosewood.  During the previous winter of 1922 a white school teacher from Perry had been murdered and on New Years Eve of 1922 there was a Ku Klux Klan rally held in Gainesville, located not far away from Rosewood.

In response to the allegation by Taylor, white men began to search for Jesse Hunter, Aaron Carrier and Sam Carter who were believed to be accomplices.  Carrier was captured and incarcerated while Carter was lynched. The white mob suspected Aaron's cousin, Sylvester Carrier, a Rosewood resident of harboring the fugitive, Jesse Hunter. 

On January 4, 1923 a group of 20 to 30 white men approached the Carrier home and shot the family dog.  When Sylvester's mother Sarah came to the porch to confront the mob they shot and killed her.  Sylvester defended his home, killing two men and wounding four in the ensuing battle before he too was killed. The remaining survivors fled to the swamps for refuge where many of the African American residents of Rosewood had already retreated, hoping to avoid the rising conflict and increasing racial tension.

The next day the white mob burned the Carrier home before joining with a group of 200 men from surrounding towns who had heard erroneously that a black man had killed two white men.  As night descended the mob attacked the town, slaughtering animals and burning buildings. An official report claims six blacks killed along with two whites.  Other accounts suggest a larger total. At the end of the carnage only two buildings remained standing, a house and the town general store.

 Many of the black residents of Rosewood who fled to the swamps were evacuated on January 6 by two local train conductors, John and William Bryce. Many others were hidden by John Wright, the owner of the general store.  Other black residents of Rosewood fled to Gainesville and to northern cities.  As a consequence of the massacre, Rosewood became deserted. The initial report of the Rosewood incident presented less than a month after the massacre claimed there was insufficient evidence for prosecution.  Thus no one was charged with any of the Rosewood murders.
  
Theresa Brown Robinson of Rosewood 

Long before The Real Rosewood Foundation was created, my mother strongly suggested researching the real truths of the Rosewood occurrence. The two of us shared the dark secrets of the Rosewood story over the years starting in 1943, when I was only five. For me, the most significant part of the Rosewood story is centered on its schoolteacher, Mom’s sister, my favorite aunt and mentor, Mahulda Gussie Brown Carrier.

The memory of Rosewood is constantly on my mind. I have not been able to lay the burden of its history down. To my mother, Theresa Brown Robinson, Rosewood was a “song” etched in her heart. She promised my Aunt Mahulda that she would keep her secrets safely hidden, but the thought of what happened to her dear sister in Rosewood made the vow too tremendous a task to keep silent during the making of the movie, ROSEWOOD. As the title of the old Negro Spiritual suggests, “I Said I Wasn’t Gonna Tell Nobody but I Couldn't Keep It to Myself,” my mother was compelled to share her sister’s story, reliving the horrifying and hostile events she witnessed in 1923, at age 21. Mom contributed a great deal of information to the moviemakers; however, they used her information and did not properly give credit.

She was offended after watching the Rosewood movie and charged me with completing her Rosewood research, firmly stating, "Mommy didn't raise no fools. You finish my research and tell our own Rosewood story. I have given you enough oral family history to make a documentary and you must do just that!"

Because Mom was never satisfied with the violations her sister endured during the savage attacks on an innocent people, she assigned me the task of authenticating Rosewood's truths. “You must keep Sister’s name in Rosewood’s history,” aware her sister had suffered physically and mentally during the vicious raid of her hometown. Mom instructed me to start a scholarship in her sister Mahulda's name and build a museum honoring all Rosewood survivors and descendants. If I were to do a thorough job as requested by my mother, I understood it would become a lengthy journey and challenging project. And Mom's expectation of me radiated when she said,

If mama wasn’t so old, she'd do it herself.
From my mother's point of view, as told to her by her sister the Rosewood schoolteacher, I set out with pen and pad to bring respect and dignity to a history that was dormant for years because of the embarrassment it would add to Levy County. The incomplete work of Rosewood is the glue that holds Mom’s lessons and my writings together.

Being an educator, I wanted to educate professors, teachers, and students. I could not begin to do such without supporting evidence, therefore, I made it my mission to confront the danger and take charge of a family history that I am proud of because I have learned truth and now use that same truth to impart important lessons and build better race relations. Educate people on the real Rosewood history… In order to do this, I dedicated time to researching the records dating back to 1845, when my great, great, grandfather, Henry McIntyre, arrived in Cedar Keys as a one-year-old toddler. Side Note: I have not been able to place him with a family. According to the Levy County 1870 Census, my great, great, grandfather was a 24-year-old black male, laborer and full-time stud, father of six children, and husband of a 25-year-old black female named Emma McIntyre. They lived on the adjacent Lot 202 next to who is believed to be Sheriff Robert Walker’s cousin, Harriet Walker, a white single woman with four children who lived on Lot 201, known then as "Outside of Cedar Keys District”. One can deduce that Sheriff Walker’s actions, working tirelessly to save Rosewood citizens, were because he knew many of the residents personally. Read Rosewood History

I have done the research, authenticated and documented my findings; therefore, Rosewood’s real story is my story. I am neither angry nor bitter about a situation I did not cause. I do not blame and will never accuse anyone of this undesirable saga during that era. It is Florida's history and needs to be told and archived for future generations, never to be repeated.

"Unless we remember, neither we, nor future generations will understand..."  – Lillian Brown, AARP

    Rosewood, Florida Destroyed by Rioting White Mob